Opening Statement (As Prepared)
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Thank you, Mr. Chairman and welcome to our witnesses. Thank you both for your service and commitment to working with the Committee to conduct essential oversight of the Department’s activities with respect to Europe, European Command, NATO, and the impact on the defense and national security interests of the United States.
The defense of our country is unquestionably secured by decades-long alliances that we have built. Americans can and should be confident in NATO, the most successful alliance in history, and how it has prevented major war in Europe in general and between the United States and Russia in particular since World War II. In the last four years, our work with European allies to support Ukraine in its existential fight against a brutal Russian invasion without incurring a larger war has proven the value of the alliance and the allies within it.
But alliances, like all complex systems, require maintenance. My concern is that this administration is moving backwards on that front. Threats to NATO allies such as Canada and Denmark (with respect to Greenland), lack of consultation on force posture and the Iran War, ignoring allied input on discussions with Russia about Ukraine – all of this cuts deeply into the trust that underpins the alliance. The erosion of that trust weakens alliance understanding and unity, which weakens deterrence, which makes war more likely, which makes us all less safe.
That brings us to the current situation, in which the president is demanding allied, partner, and even adversary countries patrol and escort commercial vessels through the Strait of Hormuz. Never mind that allies were not consulted prior to President Trump starting this war of choice without thinking about obvious and predictable negative outcomes. Never mind that we’ve threatened allies before asking them to send their ships and sailors into a mined and missile-heavy kill box in the Persian Gulf with no plan for success. And never mind that the National Defense Strategy says that “we will be clear with our European allies that their efforts and resources are best focused on Europe” while the President pushes for their navies to sail to the Middle East.
We should also discuss the ramifications of this operation on Russia’s war in Ukraine. This war has deepened cooperation between Russia and Iran and gives credibility to Russian claims that it’s OK to attack another country that doesn’t pose an immediate threat just because you want to. It has also caused oil prices to skyrocket. Nothing could be better for Russia’s ability to wage war than to increase their oil profits so dramatically in such a short period of time. I struggle to see how that is in Americans’ interest, both at the gas pump and in international affairs.
In that context, I want to hear from our witnesses what is needed in Europe to secure the peace and rebuild the trust that our alliance needs to function and thrive. Rather than remove forces on no-notice from trusted allies like Romania – how do we build our posture to ensure that our war plans are executable and deterrence against a wounded and angry Russia is assured?
Rather than ignore and insult Ukraine, how do we ensure its continued survival and benefit from Ukrainians’ battlefield know-how, impressive industrial base, and general experience on defeating Iranian drones, Russian full-scale invasion operations, and continuity of government in a modern wartime environment?
And rather than belittle our NATO allies for lack of burden-sharing – which isn’t true – how do we work with allies to ensure that they field capabilities relevant to NATO war plans; juice industry to increase production to more quickly deliver on badly needed defense orders; conduct security cooperation to increase interoperability, training, and capability of allied forces; and build up trust to ensure that deterrence is assured and war is averted in a peace-through-strength posture?
Despite it all, Europe is and must remain a key part of our strategy to meet defense and national security goals. U.S. ships, planes, and service members in harm’s way in the Middle East right now would either be poorly supplied or not there at all without the support of allies. Again, allies who were not consulted prior, who have suffered frequent insults from this administration, and whose interests have been repeatedly threatened but have nevertheless given this president access, overflight, and in many cases active support to ensure allied and national interests.
I expect Mr. Zimmerman and the Supreme Allied Commander to speak to these issues directly, both today and in the future, in cooperation with this committee on the significant work that needs to be done to secure the national defense in Europe.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I yield.